The Mexican boundary line metropolis of Ciudad Juarez has a long history of drug related force dating back to the Mexican Revolution. Recently, the National Action Party ( PAN ) , under the leading of Mexican President Filipe Calderon, has utilized the Mexican armed forces in an effort to convey an terminal to drug trafficking across the United States boundary line. Since the execution of the Mexican authorities ‘s military scheme, force in Ciudad Juarez has dramatically escalated. This paper examines the force in Juarez and its links to drugs, political relations, and industrialisation.

Lost in the Reign of Juarez:

Drug Related Violence in Ciudad Juarez, Mexico

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October 30th, 2009- High in the Chihuahua desert, along the southern Bankss of the Rio Grand, from the racks of a dust-covered newspaper base in the Mexican boundary line metropolis of Ciudad Juarez, the headlines read, “ No una character asesinada ayer ( non one individual murdered yesterday ) . ” Not since January had an full twenty-four hours passed in Juarez without the fatal spillage of human blood. By the terminal of the twenty-four hours, nine more victims would be added to the list of 1000s murdered during the metropolis ‘s most violent twelvemonth to day of the month ( Watson, 2009, parity. 1 ) .

Positioned along the boundary line between Mexico and the United States, straight across the Rio Grand from El Paso, Texas, the metropolis of Juarez is no alien to build up struggle. The first military triumph of the Mexican Revolution took topographic point at that place in 1915 ( Padgett, 2009, p. 41 ) . The pandemonium of the Revolution and the convulsion that followed set waste to the agricultural and cattle industries throughout province of Chihuahua. A changeless cause of political discord, Juarez ‘s place on an international boundary line and at the terminal of the Mexican Central Railroad line was a expletive during the first one-fourth of the twentieth century. However, this expletive besides fueled the metropolis ‘s economic system for the remainder of the century and beyond. With the oncoming of prohibition in the U.S. in 1919, Juarez rapidly became a popular finish for Americans in hunt of intoxicant, drugs, gaming, and harlotry. By 1926, over 60 % of the metropoliss concerns relied about entirely on touristry ( Corchado, 2008, p. 22 ) .

Keeping with its repute as a metropolis of frailty, Juarez besides became a centre for illegal opium trafficking into the U.S. The metropolis ‘s first drug war took topographic point in the early 1930s between the Fernandez and Quevedos trusts. Enrique Fernandez, known as the “ male monarch of morphia, ” had been in charge of the Juarez opium trade for decennaries thanks to a huge web of political connexions. Unlike Fernandez, who had been paying away high superior authorities functionaries, the Quevedos brothers were high superior authorities functionaries. During the1920s and 30s the three Quevedos brothers held the places of metropolis counsellor, metropolis revenue enhancement aggregator, metropolis city manager, province legislator, and province governor. They were besides the proprietors of the Ciudad Juarez power company and the municipal abattoir ( Mottier, 2009, p. 27 ) . Get downing in 1932, the Quevedos, with the aid of local constabulary, waged a violent coup d’etat of the drug trade in Juarez that ended with the 1934 slaying of Fernandez and solidified the long standing nexus between authorities functionaries, constabularies, and drug trusts ( pp. 39-40 ) .

In the mid 1960s, the Mexican authorities launched the Border Industrialization Program, which led to the building of 100s of foreign-owned mills in Juarez. These mills, known as maquiladoras, have drawn in 100s of 1000s of immigrants from all over Mexico ( Nathan, 1999, parity. 2 ) . Companies such as Acer, Bizlink, Elite, Foxconn, Inventec, Keytronic, Plexus, and Philips ( Crapshoot in Juarez, 2008, parity. 5 ) pay an norm of $ 3.00 an hr and maintain high employee turnover rates and integrate other dissentious schemes to guarantee that workers do non unionise ( Nathan, 1999, parity. 3 ) .

In 1994, two happenings led to an detonation in the already flourishing maquiladora sector of Juarez. The first was the Mexican fiscal crisis, which devalued the state ‘s currency, thereby drastically cut downing the comparative lower limit pay South of the U.S. boundary line. The second was the execution of the North American Free Trade Agreement ( NAFTA ) , which made making concern in Mexico much more profitable for foreign companies ( Nathan, 1999, parity. 4 ) . Prior to NAFTA, the maqiladoras had largely hired immature females, allegedly because they were less likely than males to unionise. These adult females were frequently hired based on sexual attractive force and fell victim to changing grades of torment from their male higher-ups ( parity. 13 ) . As more occupations became available, the ratio of female to male workers settled at around 50/50 by the late ninetiess ( parity. 3 ) .

The industrial roar of the 90s led to another mass migration of workers into Juarez. Prior to industrialisation, the population of Juarez was merely a few hundred 1000s, by the twelvemonth 2000, there were over 1.3 million people populating in Juarez ( Nathan, 1999, parity. 3 ) . As a consequence, Juarez, which historically has been badly equipped to supply lodging for new occupants, has become over-run by destitute colonies known as colonias. These colonias are largely comprised of make-shift constructions, built from scavenged stuffs such as old plyboard and discarded sheets of Sn. Most colonias have small to no entree to civil services, H2O, or electricity ( Wood, 2001, parity. 2 ) .

Along with the addition in population, came an addition in force. Get downing in 1993, and go oning to the present, Juarez has experienced an epidemic of barbarous consecutive slayings known as the femicides. The victims, totaling over 300, are systematically attractive immature adult females who work in the maquiladoras ( Nathan, 1999, parity. 6 ) . They are repeatedly raped so mutilated and disposed of throughout the metropolis. The constabulary have incarcerated a figure of supposed perpetrators, but the violent deaths still persist. In her book, Harvest of Women: A Mexican Safari, outstanding fact-finding newsman, Diana Washington Valdez, states that, “ Mexican federal probes contain histories of functionaries and other individuals who facilitated binges where they abused adult females whose organic structures were found afterwards. ” Washington Valdez believes that the femicides are being carried out by a group of affluent immature work forces known as Los Juniors who are related to outstanding authorities functionaries and the leaders of the Juarez drug trust ( Burnett, 2004, pp. 12-13 ) .

Juarez was awarded the rubric “ City of the Future ” in 2007 by the Financial Time ‘s Foreign Direct Investment magazine ( Pusey, 2009, p. 46 ) . One twelvemonth subsequently, the Mexican authorities sent 1000s of military military personnels into the province of Chihuahua to make conflict with the regional drug trusts. Dubbed “ Operation Chihuahua, ” the authorities ‘s activist scheme triggered a storm of savageness in Juarez that appears to hold no terminal in sight. With a slaying rate of 130 per 100,000 people, Juarez has late earned another rubric, “ Murder Capital of the World ” ( Rival pack slayings make Ciudad Juarez universe ‘s slaying capital, parity. 3 ) .

The Juarez trust is one of the six most outstanding trusts runing in Mexico. The trusts worked manus in manus with Mexico ‘s Revolutionary Institutional Party ( PRI ) , which dominated national, province, and local political relations from 1929 until the election of President Vicente Fox in 2000. The PRI allowed the trusts to run undisputed, so long as they paid payoff and kept drug-related force to a lower limit. Following the PRI ‘s autumn from power, the trusts found themselves at war with the authorities and with each other ( Padgett, 2009, p. 39 ) .

Drug trafficking along the U.S./Mexican boundary line has dramatically increased over the last decennary due to the U.S. crackdown on drug paths through the Caribbean ( Q & A ; a: Mexico ‘s drug fueled force, 2009, p. 2 ) . The Juarez trust has been in charge of drug trafficking in Juarez since the late eightiess ( A deceasing metropolis protests, 2010, parity. 2 ) . The trust was purportedly founded by the local caput of the Mexican Federal Police, Rafael Aguilar Guajardo ( Pusey, 2009, p. 47 ) . After Guajardo was killed in 1993, control of the trust shifted to Amado Carrillo Fuentes, who died due to complications during an operation to change his visual aspect in 1997 ( Katel, 2008, p. 15 ) . After Amado ‘s decease, a bloody battle ensued over control of the organisation. Finally, Amado ‘s brother, Vicente Carrillo Fuentes, took over the trust, which he runs to this twenty-four hours. Vicente has late allied with the paramilitary drug trafficking group, Los Zetas, in an effort to battle a violent coup d’etat launched by the Sinaloa trust in 2008 ( Corchado, 2008, parity. 14 ) .

Los Zetas are one of the most barbarous and to a great extent armed condemnable organisations in the Western Hemisphere. They are viewed as the most baleful narco-trafficking group in all of Mexico by the U.S. drug Enforcement Administration. Los Zetas are commanded by a group of ex-Mexican Army Special Forces soldiers who deserted from the military to work as hatchet mans for the Mexican Gulf trust in the ninetiess. When the leader of the Gulf trust was apprehended by governments in 2003, Los Zetas formed their ain trust along the Gulf seashore of Mexico. In add-on to drug trafficking, they are besides responsible for snatchs, extortion, human trafficking, and the siphoning of 1000000s of dollars worth of oil from U.S. oil oilers in the Gulf of Mexico ( Burnett, 2009, p. 2-4 ) . They are good equipped with AK-47 and AR-15 assault ripples, grenade launchers, and 50 quality machine guns ( Armed group challenges Mexico ‘s constabulary and ground forces, 2004, p. 52 ) . In countries where the Zetas have been confronted by the Mexican armed forces, the pack on a regular basis displays enlisting streamers offering better wage and other benefits for soldiers who desert and join the condemnable organisation ( Burnett, 2009, p. 1 ) . In add-on to enrolling Mexican soldiers, they have besides been enrolling and developing 100s of hapless Mexican young persons in an effort to construct an ground forces of Zetitas ( Little Zetas ) ( Padgett, 2005, p. 142 ) . Los Zetas have been locked in a conflict with the Sinaloa trust for about a decennary ( Burnett, 2009, p. 2-4 ) .

The Sinaloa trust is based in the province of Sinaloa in north-western Mexico and is headed by Joaquin “ El Chapo ” Guzman. El Chapo was born into a household of marihuana turning provincials in rural Sinaloa. After old ages of easy accumulating power through the drug trade he was arrested and imprisoned in 1993. He gained common people hero position after interrupting out of prison in 2001. Since so, he has consolidated the Sinaloa drug trade and gone to war with several other trusts in an effort to command the full Mexican illegal drug concern ( Beaubien, 2008 ) . In 2009, Guzman was ranked figure 41 on Forbes magazine ‘s list of the 67 most powerful people in the universe ; the president of Mexico did non do the list ( The universe ‘s most powerful people, 2009 ) .

While the Sinaloa trust is presently the most powerful drug trafficking organisation in Mexico, President Calderon ‘s war against the trusts has chiefly focused on the Tihihuana, Beltran Leyva, and La Familia organisations. This may be because the other trusts have begun runing like the Zetas, while the Sinaloa trust has remained focussed entirely on drug trafficking and money laundering. Mexican attorney and economic expert Edgardo Buscaglia believes that the authorities is siding with Sinaloa trust based on the refined nature of the organisation ( Outsmarted by Sinaloa, 2010, parity. 2-7 ) . Regardless of supposed authorities favouritism, the war rewards on in Juarez.

In early January, a group of gunslinger explosion into a suburban place in Juarez and viciously murdered 16 people ; the bulk of the victims were adolescent high school and college pupils with no connexion to drug trafficking ( A deceasing metropolis protests, 2010, parity. 3 ) . The incident serves as the latest reminder of the extremes to which the force in Juarez has escalated over the last two old ages. In 2008, there were over 1,600 slayings reported in Juarez. Ninety-eight per centum of the instances went unresolved ( Padgett, 2009, parity. 7 ) . That twelvemonth, over 50 constabularies officers were slaughtered. The metropolis ‘s phones were taped and those who called to describe illegal activities were killed. The head of constabulary resigned after local packs made good on a promise to assassinate an officer of all time forty eight hours so long as he remained in office. In one month, 46 local concerns were set ablaze for declining to pay extortion money. Many households had to give up their places and vehicles as ransom for kidnapped loved 1s ( Burnett, 2009, parity. 5-6 ) . Gunmen routinely forced their manner into infirmaries to slay victims who had survived old assaults ( Campbell & A ; Campo-Flores, 2008, parity. 1 ) .

Towards the beginning of 2009, Juarez Mayor Jose Reyes Ferriz, who is invariably surrounded by six guards flourishing assault ripples, decided to fire half of the metropolis constabulary force for confirming with the trusts. He so allowed the federal authorities to direct 7,000 military military personnels and federal agents into Juarez to maintain the peace ( Padgett, 2009, p. 41 ) . Less than a month subsequently, a high-level Juarez constabularies officer was arrested for rounding up people for the trust to slaying ( p. 40 ) . By late March, the military scheme seemed to be working ; the rate of human deaths fell by 50 per centum to merely five per twenty-four hours. Unfortunately, the letup in force was short lived, and the to a great extent armed and audacious trust packs began re-heating the bloodletting in Juarez with a retribution ( Campbell & A ; Campo-Flores, 2008, parity. 4 ) . The force reached alone highs of monstrous corruption. Decapitated organic structures were routinely found strung up from main road flyovers. Human caputs were displayed as warnings to authorities functionaries. Mass Gravess were on a regular basis discovered. Numerous victims were found tortured, burned, and mutilated. Bullet-ridden cadavers were discarded in forepart of an simple school ( Padgett, 2009, p. 38 ) . The organic structure count skyrocketed, with an mean rate of one slaying every three hours. As the twelvemonth of 2009 violently passed into limbo, so to, did the lives of 2,660 people in the metropolis of Juarez ( A deceasing metropolis protests, 2010, parity. 2 ) .

The Mexican drug war has had lay waste toing reverberations on Juarez. Since 2005, over 110,000 places have been left abandoned. Hundreds of 1000s of occupants have vacated the metropolis, and about half of those who remain wish to relocate to the U.S. Over 10,000 local concerns have closed due to menaces and extortions from packs ( Gomez, 2010, parity. 1-4 ) . Police, prosecuting officers, and Judgess were assassinated for trying to stand up to the trusts ( Ellingwood, 2010, p. 1 ) . There has been a roseola of snatchs for ransom, many of which were allegedly carried out by corrupt constabulary officers working with the trusts. The bulk of these kidnap victims were tortured so killed when their households stopped paying ransoms ( Bowden, 2009a, pp. 49-51 ) .

While Mexico ‘s biggest obstruction to winning its war on drugs may be the ties between the trusts and the authorities, another impeding factor is the Mexican judicial system. The system is rooted predominately in the Napoleonic codification of 1808. Grand juries, jury tests, instance jurisprudence, unrecorded informant testimony, bond, and habeas principals are all non-existent in Mexico. Prosecutors gather and enter all of the grounds, so show it to a justice at a hearing. The justice examines the grounds and frequently determines the finding of fact long before the existent test takes topographic point ( Pusey p. 49 ) . The constabulary are non allowed to look into offenses or interrogate informants ; they can merely enter statements and intervene in offenses that are in advancement. In add-on, condemnable defence lawyers can utilize a 150 twelvemonth old legislative act known as “ amparo, ” which was originally enacted to screen provincials from authorities dictatorship, as a agency to maintain their clients free from captivity while their instance is pending ( p. 50 ) . The federal authorities is presently doing accommodations to the fundamental law which will let for public tests, supplication deals, and a panel of Judgess to preside over courtroom proceedings. These new policies are scheduled to take affect in 2016 ( p. 45 ) .

Bing the chief beginning of income and armaments for the Mexican trusts, the U.S. plays a important function in the hereafter of Juarez. Many argue that the destiny of Juarez plays a important function in the hereafter of the U.S. Just across the boundary line, El Paso was rated one of the safest metropoliss in America ; there was a sum of 16 slayings committed at that place in 2008 ( Campbell & A ; Campo-Flores, 2008, parity. 3 ) . While the force South of the boundary line has yet to distribute north, several packs connected to the Juarez trust are known to be runing in the U.S. ( Padgett, 2009, p. 40 ) . Two El Paso metropolis leaders have taken drastically differing attacks to the job. Last twelvemonth, El Paso City Council member Beto O’Rourke proposed that the metropolis request the U.S. authorities to see marijuana legalisation in order to strip the trusts of their largest beginning of income. The council nem con approved the proposal, which was later struck down by the metropolis ‘s city manager ( Padgett, 2009, p. 37 ) . Later that twelvemonth, El Paso Chief of Police Greg Allen acquired 1,100 M4 ripples for his section in order to fix for the tidal moving ridge of force caping on the southern skyline ( Gomez Licon, 2010, parity. 9 ) .

What does the hereafter clasp for Juarez? Well over 80,000 of the metropolis ‘s young person who will order that future are presently unemployed, unskilled, uneducated, and life in an underworld of poorness, drugs, and force ( A deceasing metropolis protests, 2010, parity. 4 ) . In his 2009 book, Murder City: Lessons of the dead in Mexico, writer and journalist Charles Bowden makes a proposal, “ All the piece, force classs through Juarez like a ceaseless air current, and we insist it is a conflict between trusts, or between the province and the drug universe, or between the ground forces and the forces of darkness. But see this possibility: force is now woven into the really cloth of the community ; it has no cause and no individual motivation and no on-off switch. Violence is non a portion of life ; it is life. ” Expressing his hope for the hereafter, an aged adult male from Juarez stated, “ The lone manner to stop the force is to allow organized offense be the authorities. The offense groups are contending for power. If the toughest cat wins, he will acquire everything under control ( Bowden, 2009b, P. 7 ) . ” What does the hereafter clasp for Juarez? Possibly a better inquiry for the universe to inquire is- how can we guarantee that Juarez is non the “ City of the Future? ”

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