Seneca Falls Essay, Research Paper
Since the beginning of human being, adult females have been viewed as inferior to work forces. Biblical instructions imply that the first adult female came from the rib of a adult male. In the sentiment of many people, both past and present, adult male is the caput of the house. Patriarchal societies have dominated the universe for 1000s of old ages. Despite being regarded as low-level human existences, forces were at work sabotaging such attitudes from the earliest colonial yearss.
In the early old ages of American Colonial Society, the rights, functions, and duties of adult females swayed from one point of view to another. In the mid 1600s, the first inquiry of adult females s rights was raised after Anne Hutchinson confronted the Puritan Church refering the exclusion of adult females in church personal businesss. She finally went to tribunal and was found guilty. She was besides banished from the Massachusetts Bay Colony.
The actions taken by the Colony did non stand for the beliefs that other settlements had refering adult females s functions in society. The dangers of the New World, disease, Indian Wars, and westbound enlargement sometimes left adult females widowed, and holding to bare her hubby s duties. Through the necessity of holding to execute undertakings outside of their domestic duty, adult females obtained a high sum of regard from their male opposite numbers. In fact, some settlements granted adult females the right to vote and ain belongings.
Women played an active function in the development of this state and its battle for autonomy ( from England ) . Miriam Gurko calls it ironic that it was the reaching of independency and the spread of democracy that cost adult females their rights and labeled them 2nd category citizens.
Due to their inactive nature, they about became non-existent. When the United States of America was formed, adult females did non hold any signifier of representation. It was non until the early to mid nineteenth century, when many provinces lifted voting limitations to include all white work forces while overlooking the right to vote to adult females, that adult females began to publically protest against their being lawfully and politically inferior. It was merely a affair of clip before they would jointly run into and organize the Women s Rights Movement.
Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton met for the first clip in London at the World Anti-Slavery Convention of 1840. These two outstanding adult females, along with many other females who attempted to go to the conference, were denied entryway into the meetings amongst the delegates because of their sex. In malice of their exclusion, Mott and Stanton did non allow their clip in London go to waste. They spent hours-discussing faith, societal theories, and reform motions of the twenty-four hours. They besides talked about adult females and their undue place in America. Many historiographers mark their meeting as the construct of the Women s Rights Motion in the United States. However, in the book, Ladies of Seneca Falls, Miriam Gurko notes that, the Women s Movement may hold been conceived at this minute in 1840, but its existent birth was delayed for eight old ages.
In July of 1848, Mott and Stanton would reunite. Along with a smattering of other ladies, they drafted an proclamation for a Women s Rights Convention. This meeting took topographic point on July 19-20, 1848 at the Wesleyan Chapel in Seneca Falls, New York. The organisers set aside the first twenty-four hours for adult females merely and opened the 2nd twenty-four hours to the populace. Although this was a convention for adult females, at that clip it was unheard of for a adult female to function as a president, so James Mott ( hubby of Lucretia ) was called on to function as chair. Mrs. Mott delivered the first address of the meeting. She set the emotional tone that would be followed by Stanton.
Stanton began by reading the Declaration of Sentiments, an version of the Declaration of Independence written by Thomas Jefferson. The organisers felt that the rights of adult male must include the rights of adult females. The adult females saw fit to include the words and adult females so that the Declaration Begins by saying:
We hold these truths to be axiomatic: that all work forces and adult females are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Godhead with certain unalienable rights
On the 2nd twenty-four hours of the Convention, the 300 people in attending voted on the Declaration and a figure of other declarations revised by Elizabeth Cady Stanton. The Declaration and all but one declaration passed. The 9th declaration stated that it is the responsibility of the adult females of this state to procure to themselves their sacred right to the elected franchise. The first reaction to this declaration was non favourable. Many thought that the thought of seeking right to vote would do the whole motion pathetic. Stanton, along with Black emancipationist Frederick Douglas advocated for the passing of the 9th declaration. They felt that the power to take swayers and do Torahs, was the right by which all other ( demands ) could be secured. A little bulk finally passed the declaration.
Historians agree that the right to vote is an impacting tool that can used to make alteration. Some, nevertheless, look at the 9th declaration as being brought approximately due to the ineffectualness of moral suasion, or the act of pressing, carrying, or converting people to make what is right. Others have interpreted the declaration as an extension of the new extremist republicanism in the nineteenth century, which persuaded rights for all, and the abolishment of bondage.
In her reading of the adult females s suffrage motion, Lori Ginzberg observes societal activism and political relations. She raises a inquiry about the Protestant theories of the 1830s and their religion that moral suasion would deliver the universe. Were their political orientations rational, or would the cardinal context alteration to new reform options? Early on on, many reformists & # 8211 ; both adult females and work forces & # 8211 ; doubted whether the ballot could be used to progress the moral cause. Lucretia Mott was even loath to demand the political rights of adult females because she thought that moral suasion was the lone way to societal transmutation.
The logical thinking and positions of people like Mott came at a clip when the power of authorities and other establishments were far less influential on society. There was no trust in the political system. They besides sought more than societal alteration. They wanted religious transmutation and a moral regeneration of the universe to be incorporated in their cause. However, a altering nature in political relations made the committedness to a non-voting place hard.
Womans began to acquire more involved with statute law. In 1840, adult females were go toing political meetings and forcing moral inquiries in to statute law. Ginzberg states that militants progressively framed their construct of societal alteration in footings of electoral agencies and ends. The disenchantment that moral suasion would work as a tool for reform corresponded with the belief in the promise of legislative alteration.
Womans felt the restrictions of their disfranchisement particularly when they wanted statute law to be passed in their favour and they would hold to name on the aid of work forces. As their wants and needs became more apparent and confined to statute law, they saw that it was indispensable to widen their cause to Women s Suffrage. Due to the altering political context of the epoch, instead than merely a sudden consciousness of the unfairnesss of adult females s position, adult females found it cardinal to demand for the ballot.
The political equality for adult females rested on the same rules that the popular republican emphasi
zed–equal rights for all. Ellen Carol DuBois contends that the Declaration of Sentiments and its declaration s cardinal thought stemmed from the 9th declaration. It was a protest against the denial to adult females of this first right of a citizen, the elected franchise, thereby go forthing her without representation in the halls of statute law oppressed on all sides. She besides suggested that the Women s Rights Movement was limited in the 1830s and 1840s, non because of moral suasion ; but because most of the people who had a voice to recommend for the cause were work forces. These work forces had small religion in adult females s ain capacity for reform activism.
The idea of political equality for adult females was a extremist ideal. The motion was plagued by the fact that the political forces in support of the motion were a bulk of adult females made it about impossible to even conceive of adult female right to vote. The belief that adult females could reason in favour of the proposition that they are entitled to the same political rights as work forces were normally advocators of the abolishment of bondage. The abolitionism motions of mid nineteenth century were extremist and provided adult females with a sense of self-assertion. As demands for adult females s right to vote became linked with the Republican tradition, some adult females sought more independency. DuBois notes that at the Women s Rights Convention of 1851, three old ages after Seneca Falls, a statement was made, the right of right to vote for adult females is, in our sentiment the basis of this endeavor since we do non seek to protect adult female, but instead to put her in a place to protect herself. Individual self-development became an of import subject at the Women s Rights Conventions.
In DuBois reading, the combination of a venerable republican heritage and the ability adult females had to show the turning desire for independency attracted supports to the battle for adult females s right to vote. For DuBois, the 9th declaration and the focal point on political equality did non hold an inauspicious affect like some fright and contract the Women s Right Movement but it enlarged it.
In a life written about Elizabeth Cady Stanton there is a point when Stanton recalls the Seneca Falls Convention of 1848. In letters placed in the book she states the battle of acquiring the 9th declaration passed. Even in her place Stanton understood that the motion would hold a strong impact on American society. From the imperativeness to the dais, many people were discoursing the Declaration and oppressing the motion. In a missive written to Lucretia Mott, Stanton responds to an column that stated, The New York miss desire to mount the dais to make all the vote. Stanton replies with assurance that the right to vote motion would take to success.
During the 1850 s adult females began to talk out in increasing Numberss on their rights and freedoms. During his clip America was spread outing. Industrial development created new occupations and a turning labour force. 24 per centum of this entire, of near to one million Americans, were adult females. Between 1840 and 1860 the fabric industry s ingestion of cotton quadrupled. By the Civil War industrial end product sums reached 2 billion dollars. Womans began to recognize their influence on the economic growing of the state.
The motion was negatively effected in 1869 when it broke into two rival organisations. Advocates on the issue of adult female s right found that they lacked the effectivity of a united force. The events predating the split incorporated Conventions, and a incorporate group of adult females dedicated to the cause. In 1865 the American Equal Rights Association was formed. By 1869 the organisation broke off into two associations, The National Woman Suffrage Association, organized by Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony. Lucy Stone would piece the American Woman Suffrage Association in November of 1869.
The split was largely over the support of the Fifteenth Amendment. Stanton and Anthony had felt betrayed. They had worked every bit emancipationist every bit good as women’s rightist. They were apauld at the right to vote of black and they began a anti-Fifteenth Amendment run. The run brought about a war of words. Susan B. Anthony one time said, If the full people could non hold right to vote, so it must travel to the most intelligent first.Intelligence, justness, and morality, are to hold precedency in the Government, allow the inquiry of adult female be brought up foremost and that of the Negro last.
The divide in the motion would last until 1890 when Stanton brought the two groups back together. The new group would be known as the National American Woman Suffrage Association ( NAWSA ) . The amendment says, & # 8220 ; The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall non be denied or abridged by the United States or by any province on history of sex. & # 8221 ; Women now its chief end was to bring on single provinces to give the ballot to adult females. The two organisations united in 1890 to organize the National American Woman Suffrage Association.
The Woman & # 8217 ; s Christian Temperance Union and other organisations besides made adult female suffrage a end. During the early 1900 & # 8217 ; s, a new coevals of leaders brought a fresh spirit to the adult female right to vote motion. Some of them, including Carrie Chapman Catt and Maud Wood Park, were skilled organisers who received much of their support from middle-class adult females. These leaders stressed forming in every congressional territory and lobbying in the state & # 8217 ; s capital. Other leaders, including Lucy Burns, Alice Paul, and Stanton & # 8217 ; s girl Harriot E. Blatch, appealed to immature people, groups, and propertyless adult females. This group of leaders devoted most of their attempts to Marches, picketing, and other active signifiers of protest. Paul and her followings even chained themselves to the White House fencing. The suffragists were frequently arrested and sent to gaol, where many of them went on hungriness work stoppages.
Action had to be taken by single provinces. In 1869, the Territory of Wyoming gave adult females the right to vote. The Utah Territory did so a twelvemonth subsequently. Wyoming entered the Union in 1890 and became the first province with adult female right to vote. Colorado adopted adult female right to vote in 1893, and Idaho in 1896. By 1920, 15 provinces & # 8211 ; most of them in the West & # 8211 ; had granted full vote privileges to adult females. Twelve other provinces allowed adult females to vote in presidential elections, and two provinces let them vote in primary elections.
A adult female right to vote amendment was foremost introduced in Congress in 1878. It failed to go through but was reintroduced in every session of Congress for the following 40 old ages. During World War I ( 1914-1918 ) , the parts of adult females to the war attempt increased support for a right to vote amendment. In 1918, the House of Representatives held another ballot on the issue. Spectators packed the galleries, and several congresswomans came to vote despite unwellness. One congresswoman was brought in on a stretcher. Representative Frederick C. Hicks of New York left his married woman & # 8217 ; s deathbed & # 8211 ; at her petition & # 8211 ; to vote for the amendment. The House approved the amendment, but the Senate defeated it. In 1919, the Senate eventually passed the 19 Amendment and sent it to the provinces for blessing. By late August 1920, the needed figure of provinces had the right to vote.
Through the reasearch of this paper I have found a new grasp and a better apprehension of the adult females s suffrage motion. The two readings given by DuBois and Ginzber are two different points of positions. There is non one existent right reply to what sparked the 9th declaration and the demand by adult females for their right to voter, but instead it is a combination of events and Ideas.